Abu Nasr Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn Tarkhan ibn Awzalagh al-Farabi

1. Biography Abu Nasr Muhammad ibn Muhammad ibn Tarkhan ibn Awzalagh al-Farabi ابو نصر محمّد ابن طرخان ابن اوظلاغ الفارابی was born in ah 259/ad 870. The existing variations in the basic accounts of al-Farabi's origins and pedigree indicate that they were not recorded during his lifetime or soon thereafter by anyone with concrete information, but due to his work In the arena of metaphysics ( he has been rightly be acclaimed as one of the greatest of Islamic philosophers of all time and some designated him 'Father of Islamic Neoplatonism'). The information were gathered for record was found after finishing his early school years in Farab فاراب and Bukharaبغارہ , Farabi moved to Baghdad بغدادin 901 to pursue higher studies. Al-Farabi was known to the Arabs as the 'Second Master' (after Aristotle), and with good reason. It is unfortunate that his name has been overshadowed by those of later philosophers such as Ibn Sina, for al-Farabi was one of the world's great philosophers and much more original than many of his Islamic successors. A philosopher, logician and musician, he was also a major political scientist. Al-Farabi has left us no autobiography and consequently, relatively little is known for certain about his life. His philosophical legacy, however, is large. In the arena of metaphysics he has been designated the 'Father of Islamic Neoplatonism', and while he was also saturated with Aristotelianism and certainly deploys the vocabulary of Aristotle, it is this Neoplatonic dimension which dominates much of his corpus.

Persian origin The oldest known document regarding his background, written by the medieval Arab historian Ibn Abī Uṣaibi ابن ابی عصید (died in 1269), mentions that al-Farabi's fore-fathers were of Persian descent۔ Muḥammad ibn Maḥmūd al-Shahrūzī محمّد ابن محمود الشیرازی who lived around 1288 A.D. and has written an early biography also has stated that Farabi hailed from a Persian family. Ibn al-Nadimابن الندیم , a younger contemporary of Farabi and a close friend of Yaḥyā ibn Adī یحی' ابن عدّی(Farabi's closest and most successful student), states Farabi's origins to lie in Faryāb in Khorasanخراسان . Faryāb is also the name of a province in today's Afghanistan. The Dehkhoda Dictionary - based on Ibn Abī Uṣaibia's accounts - also calls him Persian (فارسی المنتسب‎), mentioning the fact that his father was a member of the Persian-speaking Samanid court of Central Asia. The older Persian form Parabپاراب (Persian word meaning cultivated land by streams) is given in the historical account Ḥudūd al Ālam حدودالعالم or his birthplace. Farabi has in a number of his works references and glosses in Persianفارسی and Sogdian pointing to an Iranian-speaking Central Asian origin. A Persian origin is also discussed by Peter J. King and some other western sources as well a comprehensive source on Islamic Philosophy written in Arabic by the Egyptian scholar Prof. Hanna Fakhuriحنّافخری .

Turkic origin Al-Farabi's face appeared on the currency of the Republic of Kazakhstan جمہوریہ قازقستان ۔The oldest known reference to a possible Turkic origin is given by the medieval historian Ibn Khallekān (died in 1282), who claimed that Farabi was born in the small village of Wasij near Farab (in what is today Otrar, Kazakhstanقازقستان ) of Turkic parents, and in the following decades and centuries, many others copied his work. But scholars criticize Ibn Khallekān's statement, as it is only aimed to ridicule the earlier reports of Ibn Abī Uṣaibia, and seems to have the sole purpose to prove that Farabi was a Turk. In this context, it is criticized that Ibn Khallekān was also the first to use the additional nisba نسبت(surname) "al-Turkالترک " - a nisba Farabi never had. Ibn Khallekān's statement also contradicts Ibn al-Nadim and Yaḥyā ibn Adī, both contemporaries of Farabi, who had reported that Farabi's birthplace was Faryāb in Khorasan (in modern Afghanistan). Ibn Khallekān's accounts are also partially contradicted by the above mentioned fact that Farabi has in many of his writings references and glosses in Persian, Sogdian, and Greek, but not in Turkish.

While his name tends to be overshadowed by that of Ibn Sinaابن سینا , a well-known story tells how Ibn Sina sought in vain to understand Aristotle's Metaphysics, and it was only through a book by al-Farabi on the intentions of the Metaphysics that understanding finally came to him. However, unlike Ibn Sina, al-Farabi has left us no autobiography and we know far less about his life in consequence. Considerable myth has become attached to the man: it is unlikely, for example, that he really spoke more than seventy languages, and we may also query his alleged ascetic lifestyle. We do know that he was born in Turkestan and later studied Arabic in Baghdad; it has been claimed that most of his books were written here. He travelled to Damascus(دمشق) , Egypt(مصر) , Harran and Aleppo, and in the latter city the Hamdanid ruler Sayf al-Dawla سیف الدّولہbecame his patron. He became one of the constant companions of the King, and it was here at Halab that his fame spread far and wide. During his early years he was a Qazi ( - قاضیJudge), but later on he took up teaching as his profession. During the course of his career, he had suffered great hardships and at one time was the caretaker of a garden. He died a bachelor in Damascus on2nd Rajab 339 A.H./14th December 950 C.E. at the age of 80 years.

Contributions:

Farabi made notable contributions to the fields of logic, mathematics, medicine, music, philosophy, psychology and sociology. As a philosopher, he may be classed as a Neoplatonist who tried to synthesize Platonism and Aristotelism with theology and he wrote such rich commentaries on Aristotle's physics, meteorology, logic, etc., in addition to a large number of books on several other subjects embodying his original contribution, that he came to be known as the "al-Mou'allim al-Thani" ( المعلّم الثانی'Second Teacher') Aristotle being the First. One of the important contributions of Farabi was to make the study of logic more easy by dividing it into two categories viz., Takhayyul ( تخیّلidea) and Thubut ( ثبوتproof). In sociology he wrote several books out of which Ara Ahl al-Madina al-Fadila(آراء اہل مدینۃالفضیلہ) became famous. His books on psychology and metaphysics were largely based on his own work: one of his works is entitled Kitab al-musiqa al-kabir (کتاب الموسقا الکبیر -The Great Book of Music). However, perhaps the book for which he is best known is that whose title is abbreviated to al-Madina al-fadila ( - المدینہ الفضیلہThe Virtuous City), and which is often compared, misleadingly in view of its Neoplatonic orientation, to Plato's Republic. Other major titles from al-Farabi's voluminous corpus included the Risala fi'l-'aql ( - رسالہ فی العقلEpistle on the Intellect), Kitab al-huruf ( - کتاب الحروفThe Book of Letters) and Kitab ihsa' al-'ulum ( - کتاب الاحساءالعلومThe Book of the Enumeration of the Sciences).

1. Logic Al-Farabi was also the first Muslim logician to develop a non-Aristotelian logic. He discussed the topics of future contingents, the number and relation of the categories, the relation between logic and grammar, and non-Aristotelian forms of inference. He is also credited for categorizing logic into two separate groups, the first being Takhayyul (تخیّل idea) and the second being Thubut ( ثبوتproof).

2. Metaphysics Majid Fakhry (1983) has described al-Farabi as 'the founder of Arab Neo-Platonism and the first major figure in the history of that philosophical movement since Proclus'. This should be borne in mind as we survey the metaphysics of the philosopher whom the Latin Middle Ages knew as Abunaser (ابونثر)and whom the Arabs designated the 'Second Master المعلّم الثانی ' (after Aristotleارسطو ). It should be noted that al-Farabi was an Aristotelian as well as a Neoplatonist: he is said, for example, to have read On the Soul two hundred times and even the Physics forty times. It should then come as no surprise that he deploys Aristotelian terminology, and indeed there are areas of his writings that are quite untouched by Neoplatonism. Furthermore, al-Farabi tried to demonstrate the basic agreement between Aristotle and Plato on such matters as the creation of the world, the survival of the soul and reward and punishment in the afterlife. In al-Farabi's conception of God, essence and existence fuse absolutely with no possible separation between the two. However, there is no getting away from the fact that it is the Neoplatonic element which dominates so much else of al-Farabi's work. We see this, for example, in the powerful picture of the transcendent God of Neoplatonism which dominates al-Madina al-fadilaالمدینہ الفضیلہ. We see this too in al-Farabi's references to God in a negative mode, describing the deity by what he is not: he has no partner, he is indivisible and indefinable. And perhaps we see the Neoplatonic element most of all in the doctrine of emanation as it is deployed in al-Farabi's hierarchy of being.

At the top of this hierarchy is the Divine Being whom al-Farabi characterizes as 'the First'. From this emanates a second being which is the First Intellect. (This is termed, logically, 'the Second', that is, the Second Being). Like God, this being is an immaterial substance. A total of ten intellects emanate from the First Being. The First Intellect comprehends God and, in consequence of that comprehension, produces a third being, which is the Second Intellect. The First Intellect also comprehends its own essence, and the result of this comprehension is the production of the body and soul of al-sama' al-ula السمع الاولی', the First Heaven. Each of the following emanated intellects are associated with the generation of similar astral phenomena, including the fixed stars, Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, the Sun, Venus, Mercury and the Moon. Of particular significance in the emanationist hierarchy is the Tenth Intellect: it is this intellect which constitutes the real bridge between the heavenly and terrestrial worlds. This Tenth Intellect (variously called by the philosophers the active or agent intellect in English, the nous poiétikos in Greek, the dator formarum in Latin and the 'aql al-fa''alعقل الفعال in Arabic) was responsible both for actualizing the potentiality for thought in man's intellect and emanating form to man and the sublunary world. With regard to the latter activity, it has been pointed out that here the active intellect takes on the role of Plotinus' Universal Soul.

In Farabian metaphysics, then, the concept of Neoplatonic emanation replaces that of Qur'anic creation ex nihilo (see Neoplatonism in Islamic philosophy §2). Furthermore, the Deity at the top of the Neoplatonic hierarchy is portrayed in a very remote fashion. Al-Farabi's philosophers' God does not act directly on the sublunary world: much is delegated to the Active Intellect. However, God for al-Farabi certainly has an indirect 'responsibility' for everything, in that all things emanate from him.

3. Epistemology Farabian epistemology has both a Neoplatonic and an Aristotelian dimension. Three primary Arabic sources for these are al-Farabi's Kitab ihsa' al-'ulum کتاب الاحساء العلم , Risala fi'l-'aql رسالہ فی العقلand Kitab al-huruf.کتاب الحروف

It is the second of these works, Risala fi'l-'aql رسالہ فی العقل, which provides perhaps the most useful key to al-Farabi's complex theories of intellection. In this work he divides 'aql عقل(intellect or reason) into six major categories in an attempt to elaborate the various meanings of the Arabic word 'aqlعقل . First, there is what might be termed discernment or prudence; the individual who acts for the good is characterized by this faculty, and there is clearly some overlap with the fourth kind of intellect, described below. The second of al-Farabi's intellects is that which has been identified with common sense; this intellect has connotations of 'obviousness' and 'immediate recognition' associated with it. Al-Farabi's third intellect is natural perception. He traces its source to Aristotle's Posterior Analytics, and it is this intellect which allows us to be certain about fundamental truths. It is not a skill derived from the study of logic, but it may well be inborn. The fourth of the six intellects may be characterized as 'conscience': )this is drawn by the philosopher from Book VI of Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics. It is a quality whereby good might be distinguished from evil and results from considerable experience of life(. Al-Farabi's fifth intellect is both the most difficult and the most important. He gives most space to its description in his Risala fi'l-'aql رسالہ فی العقل and considers it to be of four different types: potential intellect, actual intellect, acquired intellect and agent or active intellect. 'Aql bi'l-quwwa عقل بلقوہ (potential intellect) is the intellect which, in Fakhry's words, has the capacity 'of abstracting the forms of existing entities with which it is ultimately identified' (Fakhry 1983: 121). Potential intellect can thus become 'aql bi'l-fi’l عقل بی الفیہ (actual intellect). In its relationship to the actual intellect, the third sub-species of intellect, 'aql mustafad عقل مستفادہ (acquired intellect) is, to use Fakhry's words again, the 'the agent of actualization' to the actualized object. Finally, there is the 'aql al-fa''al عقل فعال (agent or active intellect), which was described in above and need not be elaborated upon again.

The sixth and last of the major intellects is Divine Reason or God himself, the source of all intellectual energy and power. Even this brief presentation of Farabian intellection must appear complex; however, given the complexity of the subject itself, there is little option. The best source for al-Farabi's classification of knowledge is his Kitab ihsa' al-'ulum .کتاب الاحساءالعلوم This work illustrates neatly al-Farabi's beliefs both about what can be known and the sheer range of that knowledge. Here he leaves aside the division into theological and philosophical sciences which other Islamic thinkers would use, and divides his material instead into five major chapters. Chapter 1 deals with the 'science of language', Chapter 2 formally covers the 'science of logic', Chapter 3 is devoted to the 'mathematical sciences', Chapter 4 surveys physics and metaphysics, Chapter 5 encompasses 'civil science' (some prefer the term 'political science'), A brief examination of these chapter headings shows that a total of eight main subjects are covered; not surprisingly, there are further subdivisions as well. To give just an examples, the second chapter on science of logic subdivided into two Takhayyul (تخیّل idea) and Thubut ( ثبوتproof)۔ . Third chapter on the mathematical sciences embraces the seven subdivisions of arithmetic, geometry, optics, astronomy, music, weights and 'mechanical artifices'; these subdivisions in turn have their own subdivisions. Thus al-Farabi's epistemology, from what has been described may be said to be encyclopedic in range and complex in articulation, with that articulation using both a Neoplatonic and an Aristotelian voice.

4. Political philosophy The best known Arabic source for al-Farabi's political philosophy is al-Madina al-fadilaالمدینہ الفضیلہ . While this work undoubtedly embraces Platonic themes, it is in no way an Arabic clone of Plato's Republic. This becomes very clear right at the beginning of al-Farabi's work, Al-Farabi has a number of political divisions for his world. He identifies, for example, three types of society which are perfect and grades these according to size. His ideal virtuous city, which gives its name to the whole volume, is that which wholeheartedly embraces the pursuit of goodness and happiness and where the virtues will clearly abound. This vicious city is compared in its function to the limbs of a perfectly healthy body. By stark contrast, al-Farabi identifies four different types of corrupt city: these are the ignorant city (al-madina al-jahiliyyaالمدینہ الجاہلیہ ), the dissolute city (al-madina al-fasiqaالمدینہ الفاسقہ ), the turncoat city (al-madina al-mubaddala المدینہ المبادّلہ) and the straying city (al-madina al-dalla المدینہ الدلّہ). The souls of many of the inhabitants of such cities face ultimate extinction, while those who have been the cause of their fall face eternal torment. In itemizing four corrupt societies, al-Farabi was surely aware of Plato's own fourfold division of imperfect societies in the Republic into diarchy(مخلوط) , oligarchy (طبقہ امرا و رؤساء /مراعاتیافتہ), democracy (جمہوریت)and tyranny( آمرانہ/جبری/جابرانہ) . The resemblance, however, is more one of structure (four divisions) rather than of content. At the heart of al-Farabi's political philosophy is the concept of happiness (sa'ada سعادۃ ). The virtuous society (al-ijtima' al-fadil الاجتماع الفاضل ) is defined as that in which people cooperate to gain happiness. The virtuous city (al-madina al-fadilaالمدینۃ الفضیلہ ) is one where there is cooperation in achieving happiness. The virtuous world (al-ma'mura al-fadilaالمعمورۃالفضیلہ ) will only occur when all its constituent nations collaborate to achieve happiness. Al-Farabi realizes that such a society is rare and will require a very specific set of historical circumstances in order to be realized, which means very few societies will ever be able to attain this goal. Al-Farabi followed the Greek paradigm and the highest rank of happiness was allocated to his ideal sovereign whose soul was 'united as it were with the Active Intellect'.

5. Music and sociology Farabi wrote books on early Muslim sociology and a notable book on music titled Kitab al-Musiqa (کتاب الموسیقاThe Book of Music). According to Seyyed Hossein Nasr and Mehdi Aminrazavi: the book of Kitab al-Musiqa is in reality a study of the theory of Persian music of his day although in the West it has been introduced as a book on Arab music. He presents philosophical principles about music, its cosmic qualities and its influences. Al-Farabi's treatise Meanings of the Intellect dealt with music therapy, where he discussed the therapeutic effects of music on the soul.

6. Influence The impact of al-Farabi's work on Ibn Sina was not limited merely to illuminating Aristotle's Metaphysics. It was with good reason that al-Farabi was designated the 'Second Master المعلّم الثانی ' (after Aristotle). One modern scholar recently acknowledged the dependence of Ibn Sina on al-Farabi in a book dealing with both which he entitled The Two Farabis (Farrukh 1944). And if Aquinas (§9) did not derive his essence-existence doctrine from al-Farabi but from the Latinized Ibn Sina, as is generally assumed, there is no doubt that Farabian concepts of essence and existence provided a base for the elaborated metaphysics of Ibn Sina and thence of Aquinas. Finally, the briefest of comparisons between the tenfold hierarchy of intellection produced by al-Farabi and the similar hierarchy espoused by Ibn Sina, each of which gives a key role to the Tenth Intellect, shows that in matters of emanation, hierarchy and Neoplatonic intellection, Ibn Sina owes a considerable intellectual debt to his predecessor.

Al-Farabi influenced many other thinkers as well. A glance at the period between ah 256/ad 870 and ah 414/ad 1023 and at four of the major thinkers who flourished in this period serves to confirm this: Yahya ibn 'Adi (یحی' ابن عدّی) , Abu Sulayman al-Sijistani (ابو سلیمان السیستانی) , Abu 'l-Hasan Muhammad ibn Yusuf al-'Amiri(ابو احسن محمّد ابن یوسف العامری) and Abu Hayyan al-Tawhidi(ابو حيّان التوحیدی) may all be said to constitute in one form or another a 'Farabian School'. The Monophysite Yahya ibn 'Adi studied in Baghdad under al-Farabi and others. Like his master, Yahya was devoted to the study of logic; like his master also, Yahya held that there was a real link between reason, ethics and politics.

Whether or not al-Farabi actually intended to outline a political programme in his writings remains a matter of dispute amongst academics. In his admittedly complex theories of epistemology, al-Farabi has both an Aristotelian and Neoplatonic dimension, neither of which is totally integrated with the other. His influence was wide and extended not only to major Islamic philosophers such as Ibn Sina who came after him, and to lesser mortals such as Yahya ibn 'Adi(یحی'ابن عدّی) , al-Sijistani(السیستانی) , al-'Amiri(العامری) and al-Tawhidi(التوحیدی) , but also to major thinkers of Christian medieval Europe including Thomas Aquinas. Henry Corbin, says that his ideas should be understood as a "prophetic philosophy" instead of being interpreted politically. On the other hand, Charles Butterworth contends that nowhere in his work does al-Farabi speak of a prophet-legislator or revelation (even the word philosophy is scarcely mentioned), and the main discussion that takes place concerns the positions of "king" and "statesmen". Occupying a middle position is David Reisman, who like Corbin believes that al-Farabi did was using different types of society as examples, in the context of an ethical discussion, to show what effect correct or incorrect thinking could have. Lastly, Joshua Parens argues that al-Farabi was slyly asserting that a pan-Islamic society could not be made, by using reason to show how many conditions (such as moral and deliberative virtue) would have to be met, thus leading the reader to conclude that humans are not fit for such a society. Some other authors like Mykhaylo Yakubovych attest that for al-Farabi religion (milla ملّت) and philosophy (falsafaفلسفہ ) consituted the same praxeological value (i.e. basis for amal al-fadhil – عمل الفاضل"virtuos deed"), while its epistemological level (ilm – علم "knowledge") was different.

Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo

INTRODUCTION:
Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو), the founder of the Tableeghi Jama’at (تبلیغی جماعت) of South Asian subcontinent, is arguably one of the most influential, yet least well-known , figures of the twentieth century Islam. Despite his enormous contribution towards the development of a powerful grass root Islamic Da’wah movement, Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) has not received much attention in the literature on modern Islamic movements. Most of the Western, and even Muslim, scholarships have remained occupied with the more spectacular and dramatic manifest ions of Islamic revivalist upsurge. The available literature on Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) and his Tableeghi movement (تبلیغی جماعت) is mostly in Urdu and that too consists mainly of inspirational works by its leaders and devotional writings by its followers and supporters.

EARLY LIFE:

Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) was born in 1885 (1302 Hijri), in Mewat (which was inhabited by Rajput tribes known as Meos. The area to the south of Delhi where the Meos have been settled from the olden days is called Mewat, a small town in the United Province of British India in a family of religious scholars. His childhood was spent in maternal grandfather's home in Kandhla, and with his father at Nizamuddin. In those days, the Kandhla family was the cradle of godliness and piety so much so that reports of the high religiosity nightly devotions and Zikr and Tilawat of its members, both male and female, would seem imaginary and fictitious to the faint-hearted men of our time. Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) received his early religious education at home like all other children in the family; then Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) began his education in the maktab, according to the family tradition, learnt the Quran by heart. The learning of the Quran was so common in the family, that in the one-and-a-half row of worshippers in the family ‏Masjid, there was not a single non Hafiz except the Muezzin and later went to the famous center of Islamic education in Deoband where he studied the Qur’an, Hadith, Fiqh and other Islamic sciences under the early Deoband luminaries. After completing his education at Deoband, Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) took up a teaching position at another famous Madarsah Mazaharul Uloom (مدرسۂ مظہرالعلوم) in Saharanpur (United Province of British India)

FAMILY:

Maulana Mohammad Ismail Meo (مولانا محمّد اسماعیل میو) the father of Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) died on Saturday 26th February, 1898 (5th Shawal 1315 Hijri) in Khajoor Wali Masjid at the Tiraha of Bahram in Delhi, he was very fond of the recitation of the Quran. He was very particular about some member of his family keeping vigil in the night. His second son, Maulana Yahya Meo مولانا يحی' میو, used to study till midnight, and, then the Maulana himself got up and Maulana Yahya went to bed and for the last part of the night, he woke up his eldest son, Maulana Mohammad Meo مولانا محمّد میو)). Bi Safia, the mother of Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو), had learnt the Quran by heart and attained great distinction in it. It was a regular practice with her to recite the whole of the Quran and additional ten Juze (part) every day during Ramadan. She, thus, completed the Quran and was so fluent in it that her household duties did not suffer on account of it. She, generally, kept herself engaged in some work while doing the recitation.

Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) was Ammi Bi's favorite child. She used to say; to him ”I feel the aroma of the holy Companions in you.” Sometimes, placing her hand on his back, she would say,”How is it that I see figures resembling the holy Companions moving along with you?”.

NEED OF TABLEEGHI JAMA’AT (تبلیغی جماعت)

It was at the point in his life when he took up a teaching position at Madarsah Mazaharul Uloom (مدرسۂ مظہرالعلوم). Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) became aware of the "dismal Islamic situation" in the Mewat region near Dehli where majority of Muslims were living a life that had very little to do with Islamic teachings and practices. At the time, some Muslim leaders feared that Muslims were losing their religious identity to the majority Hindu culture. Meos were generally benighted Muslims and lacked the necessary acumen required to resist the cultural and religious influence of Hindus.

Owing to the negligence of the Muslims religious teachers, the moral arid religious condition of the Mewatis had sunk so low that there was little to distinguish between their beliefs and practices and wholesale apostasy. Even non-Muslim historians have commented at length on their estrangement with Islam. The moral and religious condition of the Meos in Mewat can be imagin in the light of following extracts:

The Alwar Gazetteer of 1878, written by Major Powlett, syay:

“All the Meos are, now, Muslims, but only in name. Their village deities are the same as those of the Hindu landlords, and they celebrate several Hindu festivals. Holi is a season of special rejoicing among the Mewatis and they observe it like their own festivals, such as, Moharrum, ‘Id and Shab-i-Barat. The same is the case with Janam Ashtami, Dussehra and Diwali. The Meos engage the services of the Brahmins to fix the dates of marriages. They have Hindu names, with the exception of the word ‘Ram’, and their last name, often, is ‘Singh’, though not as frequently as ‘Khan’. Like Ahirs and Gujars, the Mewatis, too, observe Amawas as a holiday on which they abstain from work. When they build a well, they begin with the construction of a parapet in the name of Beeriyi or Hanuman, but when it comes to pillage, they do not show much reverence to the Hindu temples and other places of religious significance. If, on such an occasion, their attention is drawn to the sanctity of these establishments, they, unhesitatingly, says, ‘You are "Does" and we are "Meos".’ Meos are, largely, ignorant of their faith, i. e. Islam. Very few of them know the Kalima,’ and fewer still observe Namaz regularly. About the hours and rules of namaz, their ignorance is complete. This is the state of the Meos of Alwar. In the British territory of Gurgaon, the position is a little better because of the Madrassas. In some parts of Alwar, also, where the Masjids have been built, the religious duties are observed to some extent. A few of them know the Kalima and offer up namaz and an attachment for the Madrassas, also, is found among them. As we have seen earlier, the initial ceremonies of marriage are performed by the Brahmins, but the real ceremony (of nikah) is performed by the Qazi. Men wear dhoti and loin-cloth. The pajamas are not worn at all. Their dress, thus, is wholly Hinduised. Even ornaments of gold are worn by men.”

At another place, Major Powlett writes:

“The Meos are half-Hindu by their habits. Mosques are rarely to be seen in their villages. There are only eight mosques in the fifty villages of the tehsil of Tijarah. Leaving aside the temples, the places of worship of the Meos are very much similar to those of their Hindu neighbors. These are known, for instance as Paanch Peera, Bhaisa and Chahand or Khera Deo is consecrated to the service of Maha Davi where animals are offered as a sacrifice. In Shab-i-Barat, the banner of Syed Salar Masud Ghazi is worishipped in all Meo villages.”

Similarly, ii the Gazetteer of Gurgaon (1910), it is stated that ‘‘the Meos, still, are a very loose and careless type of Muslims. They share most of tile customs of the neighboring community specially those which possess an element of fun and merriment. Their basic rule seems to be to observe the religious celebrations of both the communities and disregard the religious duties of either. Lately, some religious teachers have appeared in Mewat and a few Meos have started to keep the fasts of Ramzan and to build mosques in their villages and observe namaz. Their women, too, have taken to wearing Pyjamas instead of the Hindu Chagras. All these are the signs of religious awakening.”

The Gazetteer of Bharatpur, again, says:

“The customs of Meos are a mixture of Hindu and Muslim customs. They observe circumcision, perform nikah and bury their dead. They make a pilgrimage to the tomb of Syed Salar Masud Giiazj at Bahraich, and attach a great importance to the vow taken under his banner, and consider it a religious duty to fulfill it. They, also, visit the other shrines of India, but do not perform the Hajj. Among the Hindu festivals, they celebrate Holi and Diwali. They do not marry in the family or in their own branch or sub­division of the clan (گوتھ), girls do not have a share in ancestral property, and they give mixed Hindu and Muslim names to their children. They are, wholly, illiterate and have a fair number of bards and minstrels among them whom they pay liberally. Many quatrains on the themes of agriculture and rural life are popular which they love to recite. Their speech is rough arid coarse, and the manner of addressing both men and women is the same. Intoxicants are widely in use. They are extremely weak of faith and highly superstitious, and believe in omens and auguries. Both male and female dresses are Hinduised.

Moral virtues

All the same, the Meos are distinguished for some excellent moral qualities and their vices and weaknesses are in the nature of the evil ways and practices that become a part of the moral and social pattern of brave and adventurous races as a result of want of education, isolation from the civilized world and indifference towards religion. These were rampant even among the Arabs during the Age of Ignorance. Natural talents and capabilities had taken a wrong turn owing to the perversity of the environment. Chivalry had degenerated into banditry, man­liness had found expression in mutual warfare and bloodshed, sense of pride and self-respect, with no better purpose to serve, had sought fulfillment in the defense of imaginary standards of honor and renown, and high mindedness, for its display, had adopted the path of pomp and flourish on petty occasions in the family or clan. In brief, God-given gifts of mind and character were being put to unworthy use; otherwise there was no dearth of virtue and merit among the,

Rugged simplicity, hardihood and firmness of purpose were the chief characteristics of the Mewatis in which they were far superior to the urban Muslim population. It was on account of these qualities that in spite of having drifted so far away from Islam, the floodtide of Apostasy could not submerge the territory of Mewat even in the darkest period of its history.

FORMATION OF TABLEEGHI JAMA’AT (تبلیغی جماعت)

Tableeghi Jamaat (تبلیغ) originated in 1926 (1344 Hijri) in Mewat, in north India. Presently; it includes the Gurgaon district of the Punjab, the native states of Alwar and Bharatpur and the district of Mathura of the United Provinces. Like all other regions, its boundaries, too, have been changing from time to time and the dimensions of the old Mewat must have been different from what they are now. The link with Mewat, was established in his lifetime. It is related that, once, he went out in the hope of finding a Muslim whom he could bring to the mosque and offer Salaat with him On meeting some Muslim laborers, he inquired from them where they were going.? "We are going in search of work", they replied. "How much do you expect to earn?' asked the Maulana. The laborers, thereupon, told him about the daily wages they, generally, received. "If you get the same here," the Maulana asked, "What is the use of going elsewhere” The laborers agreed and the Maulana took them to the mosque and began to teach the Salaat and the Quran. He would pay them their wages every day and keep them engaged in their lessons. In a few days, they developed the habit of offering up Salaat. Such was the beginning of the Madrassa of Bangle Wali Masjid, and these laborers were its first scholars. After it, about ten Mewati students always remained in the Madrassa and their meals used to come from the house.

The new movement met with dramatic success in relatively short period of time, thanks to Maulana Muhammad Ilyas’s (مولانا محمّد الیاس) utmost devotion, untiring efforts and sincerity of purpose. As a result many Muslims joined Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) to preach the message of Islam in every town and village of Mewat. The rapid success of his efforts can be seen from the fact that the first Tableeghi conference (تبلیغ) held in November 1941(Zeqa'ad 1360 Hijri) in Mewat was attended by 25,000 people many of them had walked on foot for ten to fifteen miles to attend the conference. Sayyid Abul A’la Mawdudi, the founder of the Jama’at-e-Islami paid glowing tribute to the spectacular successes of the Da’wah efforts of Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) in Mewat and elsewhere in sub-continent and described the Tableeghi movement (تبلیغ) as a major step toward the Islamization of Indian Muslim society.

Beginnings

Maulana Mohammad Ismail Meo came to live in Basti Nizamuddin which was the gateway of Mewat, and much before the arrival of Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو), seeds of loyalty and devotion of his family had been sown on its soil.

When the followers of Maulana Mohammad Ismail Meo and Maulana Muhammad Meo came to know that their true successor, the son of Maulana Mohammad Ismail Meo and the brother of Maulana Mohammad Meo had come to live at Nizamuddin they, again, started coming to it and requested Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) for a visit so that the old suppliants of his family had an opportunity to renew the ties of fealty and spiritual allegiance.

Real remedy

Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) felt that the only Way to the religious reform and correction of the Mewatis was promotion of religious knowledge and familiarization with the rules and principles of the Shariat. The inspiration for devoting his life to Islam came to Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) during his second pilgrimage to the Hejaz in 1926 (1360 Hijri).

Maulana Mohammad ismail Meo, and, after him, Maulana Mohammad Meo had adopted the same method. They used to keep the Mewati children with them and educate them in their Madrassa, and, then, send them back to Mewat to carry on the work of reform and guidance, and what little religious awareness was found there was owing to the efforts of these pioneers.

Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) went a step ahead and decided to establish Maktabs and Madrassas in Mewat itself so that the influence of Faith could spread to a wider area and the pace of change was accelerated.

Stipulation

The Maulana knew what was, commonly, meant by inviting a spirtua! mentor or his successor to their place by his disciples and admirers, and he was not willing to go to Mewat only to fulfill the formalities of attending the dinner given in his honor delivering a few sermons and giving good counsel.

He wanted to make sure before undertaking the trip, that some real advance would be made, as a result of his visit, towards bringing the Meos closer to Islam and improving their moral condition, arid, during those days, the setting up of Maktabs and Madrassas in Mewat appeared to him to be the most effective step in that direction. He had, thus, made it clear that he would accept the invitation only on the condition that they promised to establish Maktabs in their territory.

For the Mewatis, however, no undertaking could be harder to give. They considered the establishment of Maktabs next to impossible for the simple reason that no one would be sending his children to them, and, thus, depriving himself of their contribution to the family income as daily wage-earners. The enthusiasm of those who came to invite quickly subsided as they heard of the stipulation. In desperation, however, a Mewati, finally, made the promise, leaving the rest to Almighty Allah.

Establishment of Maktabs
Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو), accordingly, went to Mewat and demanded the fulfillment of the promise. Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) met Mewati Muslims who could not even recite Shahadah and who had not prayed even once in their life because they did not know how to pray. Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) fully aware of the difficult task ahead was, nevertheless, determined to bring the Meo Muslims back to the fold of true Islam. After great persuasion, the beginning was made and the first Maktab was established.

The Maulana used to tell the Mewatis, “Give me the pupils, I will provide the money.” The Meos who were, mainly, farmers, could not easily reconcile themselves to the position that their children applied themselves to reading and writing and stopped working in the fields or looking after the cattle. It took a lot of tact and perseverance to bring them round to it.

Ten Maktabs were opened during that visit. Once the ice was broken, the progress was easy. Sometimes, several Maktabs were opened in a day till, within a few years, hundreds of such schools were functioning in Mewat.

Hazrat Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) had a keen concern that if the `ulama did not overlook the preaching and this task was left to the common man alone, it would develop lots of flaws. His wish was for the educated `ulama to take an interest in this task and use their God gifted talents for the propagation of this work. Because most of his life Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) had been associated to learning, he knew intimately the pursuits of the madaris, its teachers, and students. He wanted them to join hands with this work of calling to God but he also wanted a way out that would help those of the madaris in their learning but not interfere with it. He soon realized, however, that the Madrasa ulama trained were simply reproducing their prototypes and had no significant impact on society at large.

Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) writes, "Deen can progress and develop according to the progress and development of learning, and under the progress and development of learning. It would be the greatest of losses if my movement caused any set back to learning. I do not mean by Tableegh (تبلیغ) to prevent or hurt progress towards learning". He wanted to set forth a movement that would exemplify the Quranic decree of 'enjoining good and forbidding evil'. His initially strove to establish a network of Masjid-based religious schools to educate Muslims about correct Islamic beliefs and practices. Shortly afterwards, he was disappointed with the reality that these Madrasas were ill-equipped to produce Muslim preachers who would be willing to go door to door and remind people of their Islamic obligations, these institutions were good only for producing religious functionaries, not preachers (Da’wah workers).

Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) set “Six Basic Principles” the guidelines for the movement, he sought inspiration from the practices adopted by prophet Muhammad at the dawn of Islam. Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) put forward the slogan, Urdu: "!اﮮ مسلمان! بنو مسلمان ", "O Muslims! Be Muslims". This expressed the central focus of Tableeghi Jamat (تبلیغی جماعت); their aim to renew Muslim society by uniting them in embracing the lifestyle of Muhammad.

Six Principles

Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) devoted to what he described as “the mission of the prophets”. The method adopted by him was simple. It was to organize units (called jamaats, Arabic/Urdu/Persian: جماعتِ ‎ meaning Assembly) of at least ten persons and send them to various villages. This unit jamaat, would visit a village, invite the local Muslims to assemble in the mosque and present their message in the form of Six Principles. Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) articulated six demands in the form of Six Principles which are quintessential to Tableeghi Jamat’s (تبلیغی جماعت) teachings. These six principles are:

1. Kalimah (کلمہ): "An article of faith in which the Tableegh (تبلیغ) accepts that there is no god but Allah and the Prophet Muhammad is His messenger."


2. Salah (نماز) : "Five daily prayers that are essential to spiritual elevation, piety, and a life free from the ills of the material world."


3. Ilm and Dhikr(علم و ذکر) : "The knowledge and remembrance of Allah conducted in sessions in which the congregation listens to preaching by the emir, performs prayers, recites the Quran and reads Hadith.


4. Ikram-i-Muslim(اکرام مسلم) : "The treatment of Muslims with honor and deference."
   
   
5. Tas'hih-i-Niyyat (تصیح نيّت) : Reforming one’s life in supplication to Allah by performing every human action for the sake of Allah and toward the goal of self-transformation."
   
   
6. Tafrigh-i-Waqt (تفریخ وقت): "The sparing of time to live a life based on faith and learning its virtues, following in the footsteps of the Prophet, and taking His message door-to-door for the sake of faith."
   

Role of women

Women were encouraged to participate since the beginning of the movement. Some scholars objected on the participation of women but Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) slowly gained their support and the first jamaat of women was formed in Nizamuddin, Dehli. Accompanied by a close male relative, women are encouraged to go out in jamaats and work among other women and family members while following the rules of modesty and seclusion. Jamaats of women sometimes participate in large annual meetings; otherwise, they commonly hold neighborhood meetings. Tableeghi Jama’at (تبلیغی جماعت) tends to blur the boundaries of gender roles and both genders share a common behavioral model and their commitment to Tableegh (تبلیغ). The emphasis on a common nature and responsibilities shared by both genders. Just as men redraw the gender roles when they wash and cook during the course of da'wa tours, women undertake the male responsibility of sustaining the household

PERSONAL LIFE SKETCH:

Stay at Gurgaonh

Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) used to live with his father at Nizamuddin, and, sometimes, with his maternal grand-father's family at Kandhla. Maulana Muhammad Yahya, requested his father that as the education of Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) was suffering, he might be allowed to take him to Gangoh. The father agreed - and Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) came to Gurgaonh in 1896 or early 1897 at the age of 10 or 11 years old, where Maulana Mohammad Yahya began to teach him regularly.

Maulana Mohammad Yahya was an ideal teacher and benefactor. He wanted his brother to derive the utmost advantage from the society of illustrious men.

Death of Brothers

The death of Maulana Mohammad Yahya, on Wednesday, the 9th of August, 1915, was an extremely sad and frustrating event for the Maulana. In addition to being a most affectionate brother, he was, also, his teacher and benefactor. He could not get over the shock till the end of his days.

Two years after the death of Maulana Mohammad Yahya, the eldest brother of Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو), Maulana Mohammad Meo, also, passed away.

There was a Madrassa in the Masjid which had been founded by Maulana Mohammad Ismail Meo (Father). Only primary education was imparted in it, and, among its pupils were mostly the children from Mewat It had no regular source of income and reliance was placed solely upon Almighty Allah for meeting its needs.

After the burial of Maulana Mohammad Meo, people urged upon Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) to take up residence at Nizamuddin in order to fill the void caused by the death of his father and brothers. They, also, promised monthly donations for the Madrassa to which the Maulana agreed subject to certain conditions which he observed throughout his life.

Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) had made it clear that he would come to Nizamuddin and take charge of the Madrassa only if Maulana Khaiil Ahmad Saharanpuri approved. Maulana Khalil Ahmad latter gave his approval, but added that, in the first instance, only a year’s Ieave be taken from Mazharul Uloom (مدرسۂ مظہرالعلوم)and if the stay at Nizamuddin proved useful and it was decided to settle down there permanently, he could resign at any time.

Before Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) could move to Nizamuddin, he was suddenly taken ill with pleurisy and went to Kandhla where his condition worsened. One night his illness took such a grave turn that all hope was lost. The pulse sank and the body became cold, but Almighty Allah had to take some work from him. unexpectedly, he began to improve, and, in a few days, was able to leave the bed.

On regaining health, Maulana came to Nizamuddin from Kandhla. In those days, there was no habitation in that part of Nizamuddin, and, adjoining the Masjid, later the Basti Nzamuddin became his permanent residence as well as the headquarter of the Tableeghi movement (تبلیغ). Maulana Ihtishamul Hasan who, in his childhood, had come to live, for sometime, with Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) tells that “I used to go out and stand in the hope of seeing ‘a human face. When anyone appeared, I felt so happy as if someone had given me a precious gift.”

Absorption in prayers

Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو), generally, remained silent and spent most of his time in meditation. He used to offer Nafl prayers much and often at that time. From Maghrib till a little before Isha, he devoted himself exclusively to Nawafil.

Spirit of Jehad

Together with Zikr, Saga (spiritual exercises and exertions) Nawafil and Ibadaat, Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) was, also, infused with the spirit of Jehad. Throughout his life, he was never without it, and had, in fact, taken the pledge of Jehad at the hand of Maulana Mahmood Hasan for that very reason.

Estimation in the eyes of elders

From his early days, he was held in the highest esteem by the elders of the family as well as the spiritual leaders of the day. Maulana Mohammad Yahya was like a father to him. He concentrated wholly on his studies, and on Zikr, and other forms of worship.

Sometimes, Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) was asked to lead the service in the presence of renowned theologians and spiritual leaders. Once Shah Abdur Rahim Raipuri, Maulana Khalil Ahmad Saharanpuri and Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanwi happened to be in Kandhla. When the time for Salaat came and Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) was asked to lead it, a senior member of the family, Molvi Badrul Hasan, humorously remarked that "such a small engine has been fastened to so many big carriages." "It depends on the power (not the size of the engine", replied one of them.

Marriage

The Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) married the daughter of his maternal uncle, Maulana Rauful Hasans on Friday, October 17, 1912 (8th Zil'Hajja 1330 Hijri) was performed by Maulana Mohammad, and Maulana Khalil Ahmad Saharanpuri, Shah Abdur Rahim Raipuri an Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanwi, all the three of them, attended the ceremony. Maulana Thanwi's celebrated sermon, Fuwayid us Suhbat, was delivered on that occasion.

Hajj

Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو), for first Hajj was sailed in August, 1914 (4th Shawal 1332 Hijri), and returned in February, 1915 (Rabi-ul-Awal 1333 Hijri) and performed second Hajj in 1926 ( 1334 Hijri).

LEGACY:

Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) was neither a charismatic leader like Mawlana Mohammad Ali Jauhar of the Khilafat movement, unlike Sayyid Abul A’la Mawdudi of the Jamaat –e-Islami who was a prolific writer and a systematic thinker, nor an outstanding religious scholar like Abul Kalam Azad of the Indian National Congress, he was not even a good public speaker like Ataullah Shah Bukhari of the Ahrar movement. Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) did not author a single book in his life. Physically frail and intellectually unassuming, Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) was, nevertheless, enthused with the zeal of a dedicated Da’wah worker. His passion to reach out to the Muslim masses and touch them with the message of the Qur’an and Sunnah knew no bounds. Like a true missionary, he was persistent, untiring, and whole-heartedly devoted to his cause. During one of his many missionary tours of Mewat, he was once hit with a stick by a peasant upon whom he impressed the importance of leading a religious life. The Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو), already physically frail, fell on the ground and collapsed. When he regained consciousness, he got up and, holding his assistant affectionately, said: "Look, you have done your job. Now would you let me do my job and listen to me for a little while?" As one of his colleague put it,” Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو), though a mere skeleton, can work wonders where he takes up anything." The Maulana was spending his days in obscurity. Worship, Zikr (repeating the Names, praise and Attributes of the Lord), attending to the needs of the travelers and teaching the Quran giving instruction in the Faith were his sole occupation in life. He used to take down the load from the heads of the thirsty laborers who passed the way place it on the ground, draw water from the well and give it to them to drink, and, then, offer two Rak'ats of Salaat, expressing gratitude to the Lord that He had given him the opportunity to serve His bondsmen, though he did not deserve it. His eagerness and indomitable determination to reach every Muslim and remind him of his obligations as a believer took precedence on everything else. His passionate concern for the spiritual welfare of his fellow Muslims caused him great anguish. He exerted his friends and followers to dedicate their lives to this cause. Once when he was trying to peruse his audience to volunteer for a missionary trip to Kanpur, U.P. India, not a single person responded to his call. Spotting one of his friends in the audience, Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) asked him what prevented him from going to Kanpur. His friend was suffering from serious ailment and was obviously too weak to travel. He told Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) that he was "almost dying" and there was no way he could travel. The Maulana said, "If you are dying already, you had better die in Kanpur." He used to council the groups going in the way of Allah for Tableegh (تبلیغ) to sit and learn from the gatherings of elders with the intention of improving oneself, and never to mention their own work in their presence. If the elders asked anything of their own accord, well and good, otherwise they were to keep silent.

The Maulana never bore a grudge against anyone. His detachment with the world was so complete that it had made him attached to everybody. All the persons who came into contact with him were impressed by his piety, sincerity and selflessness. Leaders of the different warring groups of Delhi held him in the highest esteem, and put an equal trust in him. From his childhood, there was present in Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) a touch of the religious ardour and fervent. Eagerness and enthusiasm for Faith were ingrained in his nature. Even in his early days, he, sometimes, did things which were much above the common level of the children. It is important to note that while Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) kept himself completely aloof from politics of the day and focused his program of action exclusively on making the Muslims aware of their religious obligations, he did not, at any time, criticized those Islamic groups which were actively engaged in politics. On the contrary, he maintained extremely cordial relations with Hussain Ahmad Madani and other Ulama of Deoband school whose political organization, Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind, a pro-Indian National Congress group, was very much active in Indian politics. Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) had equally warm relation with pro-Pakistan faction of the Deoband School led by Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi and Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani and with the founder of the Jama’at-e-Islami Sayyid Abul A’la Mawdudi. However he refused to take any position on the issue of united India vs. a separate Muslim state of Pakistan for the obvious reason that this would distract his movement from its main religious tasks, and would also create dissensions within its ranks. Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) was of the view that the Tableeghi movement (تبلیغ) and the politically-oriented Islamic groups, although operating in two different spheres, were complementing each other’s work and hence there should be no competition and rivalry between them. Once when someone pointed out that his movement was "too narrowly focused" and did not address the larger issue of socio-political reforms in Muslim society, the Mawlana responded that this narrow focus in the initial phase of the movement was necessitated by the available manpower and that the movement could grow to encompass a larger and more comprehensive program in the future. It is unfortunate that those who succeeded Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) did not realize his larger vision and saw the Mewat model of Da’wah as eternally fixed. Nevertheless, the fruits of Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو)’s efforts are visible all over the world today.

The result of this heart ache and dedication to his aim was that in just a few years, the ache that had bothered one breast caught fire in hundreds and thousands. The Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) had not undertaken the service of Faith as a “national cause”, the burden of providing the funds for which fell wholly upon the nation or the community, but as a personal affair and felt no hesitation in spending all he had on it. He believed that a person should perform a religious task as his own and expend his time and money freely in its way. This was the Maulana’s rule of life. First of all, he spent from his own pocket on the religious endeavor he had launched in Mewat, and, then, alone, would accept help from others.

Once a friend came to visit him while he was on his deathbed. Maulana Muhammad Ilyas Meo (مولانا محمّد الیاس میو) greeted his friend by telling him. “People out there are burning in the fire of ignorance and you are wasting your time here inquiring after my health!" He wanted every Muslim to be on his feet, preaching the message of Islam to others. Finally the humble, physically weak and thin Maulana passed away in 1362 Hijra (1943) at the age of 84 years leaving behind not one or two but thousands to take up his cause and continue on the path of reformation.